Events
RoMF’s vision is immortal
Shri Lalit Gandhi, founder and chairman of RoMF left for his heavenly abode on 23rd March 2010 but o
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India’s largest urban pla
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CTBUH and RoMF’s efforts to debate town planning a huge success. More than 1150 delegates from 16 co
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All doors are now open fo
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Government Resolution (GR) passed for redevelopment LOI with 70% tenant consent The Remaking of Mumb
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Need for remaking > Cessed properties
Historical context
Unlike most large traditional Indian towns built around religious centres
or royal courts, Bombay’s significance as a “centre for exchange’
truly began with the advent of the East India Company in 1667 (Thorner,
1995). The primary objective being the establishment of trade and not conquest,
the company encouraged a diverse community to settle and develop the city.
The main settlers were Parsi, Hindu, Jain and Muslim merchants from the
neighbouring state of Gujarat. They were given freedom to practice any religion
and as an added those born in Bombay were considered ‘natural subjects
of England’ (Dwivedi and Mehrotra, 1995).
The ‘Native town’, beyond the Esplanade, was a mixed-use commercial
and residential space. The only spaces of interaction for all the communities
living in the Fort were the bazaars, maidaans (open spaces) or other communal
spaces.
‘Mumbadevi’, the original name given to the city made up
of seven small islands with scattering fishing villages.Indian bazaars situated
in Bhuleshwar, Kalbadevi, Girgaon, Nagpada were the hub of economic, social
and cultural exchange. The Marwari bazaar in Bhuleshwar that traded in textiles
and jewellery does so to this day.
While Kolkata and Chennai with their access to a fertile hinterland and
good communications were dominating urban centres, Bombay (Mumbai) needed
to exploit its proximity to Europe and build on trade and manufacturing
for the export market. To secure Bombay’s position, the business class
pushed the government to improve access to the hinterland and overseas communications.Infrastructure improvements and political manoeuvres ensured access to cotton growing areas of Nagpur and Deccan establishing Bombay as an important trade
centre in the first half of 19th century.
To secure Bombay’s position, the business class pushed the government
to improve access to the hinterland and overseas communications.
The booming cotton trade led to the expansion of mills in Tardeo, Parel,
Lalbaug, and Byculla, collectively called as Girangaon or the mill village,
to the north of the Fort. In 1863, the railway link between Bombay and Deccan
plateau brought Marathi speaking migrant mill workers to settle around the
mills. However most of these chalws had a vacancy rate of 50 percent till
1932, owing partly to the social control exercised by the jobbers/mukadams,
pathans and gatekeepers of the mills in the neighbourhoods (Sen, 2002).
Some Indian mill owners built chalws like the Kohinoor mills, Lakshmibhai
Krishnaji and Shantaram’s chawls in Dadar (East), Parel and lalbaug,
providing housing of 300-400 single rooms per chawl usually occupied by
a particular caste or community of people (Dwivedi and Mehrotra, 1995).
The mill workers and other labour were housed in chawls (tenements)
developed by the Bombay Development Department (BDD).The tradition of a
single caste of people according to their occupation resulted in chawls
like the Lohar (ironsmith) chawl, Sutar (carpenter) chawl and the likes
in Kalbadevi and Bhuleshwar.
With Independence in 1947, there was freedom to overcome differentiations
and redress inequalities. The Urban land Ceiling and Regulation Act (ULCRA)
was enacted in 1976 to prevent concentration of land holding in urban areas
by limiting individual land holdings to 500 sq.m and to obtain surplus land
for construction of middle and low income housing (Urban India, 2002).
The ideology of redistribution and social equity promoted urban policies
such as the Rent Control Act (RCA) of 1947, devised to freeze rents and
protect tenancy rights of the urban poor.
However, the legacy of the British rule in showing favouritism to elites
as well as corruption and mismanagement in the municipal administration
maintained a status quo in the spatial pattern of the city with the Indian
bureaucracy taking over where the rulers left off. The policies backfired
due to unsuccessful implementation creating an artificial constraint on
land supply, which drove the real estate prices disproportionately higher
than the rise in income.
Compounded by post-partition migration from Pakistan, the Indian cities
faced the pressure of a rising urban population with inadequate housing
and basic services. However, the assumption of the policy makers that India
being an agrarian economy should be protected from over-urbanisation that
could lead to a drain of resources from the country side to the city, led
to urban problems being sidelined as welfare problems rather than those
of critical national importance (Urban India, 2002). Mumbai was meted the
same treatment with a total lack of note of its potential as an instrument
of economic development of India (Harris, 1978).
Further the restricted land supply due to ULCRA and RCA is said to have
induced large-scale corruption, the involvement of the underworld and organised
crime in Mumbai.
  
First mill in Tardeo in 1854
growth of mills by 1870s
over 50 mills in the
island by 1900s
There have been only minor changes in the RCA, the ULCRA has been repealed
by the central government in New Delhi in January 1999 and by the state
government recently. The impact of these policies on the spatial dynamics
of the city was a consolidation of the existing spatial segregation, driven
by market differentials.
Those who inherited the location advantageous properties in south and central
Mumbai remained firmly in place or made sizeable profit from selling residential
units for commercial use. Thus, the island city of Mumbai has seen a progressive
decrease in its share of population from 1961. The new entrants into the
land markets with the capacity to buy could afford the central areas and
the elite suburbs, those who could not were driven further north to suburbs those who could not were driven further north to suburbs.
| WARDS |
Area in sq kms |
Population |
A category |
B category |
C category |
Total dilapidated |
| A ward |
12.5 |
210926 |
936 |
83 |
41 |
1060 |
| B ward |
2.84 |
140481 |
1256 |
37 |
38 |
1331 |
| C1/ C2 |
1.78 |
202216 |
1536 |
81 |
16 |
1633 |
| C3/ C4 |
1708 |
51 |
18 |
1777 |
| D-1 |
8.03 |
378607 |
1606 |
117 |
130 |
1853 |
| D-2 |
1053 |
214 |
71 |
1338 |
| E ward |
7.32 |
410824 |
2025 |
179 |
83 |
2287 |
| F / north |
12.94 |
702470 |
2056 |
560 |
699 |
3315 |
| F / South |
14 |
477136 |
1336 |
180 |
179 |
1695 |
|
59.41 |
2522660 |
13512 |
1502 |
1275 |
16289 |
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Latest ROMF Updates
romfmum: The deadline for submitting suggestions and objections for the proposed changes to the DCR 33(9) has been extended to 31st of August.
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romfmum: 4th Sep '08: S.C. dismissed PIL seeking stay on DCR 33(7) allowing redevelopment of old and dilapidated buildings in the Island City.
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romfmum: Remaking of Mumbai Federation expands to Social Media! As an inherently social org; this is but the next logical step for us.
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